What Rep. Watkins teaches us about party and ideology

Rank-and-file legislators know which side their bread is buttered on.

Political scientists have made a parlor game of calculating ideology scores for elected officials based on their voting records. The gold standard for the US Congress is the DW-NOMINATE algorithm; you can find those scores back to the founding at Keith Poole’s voteview.com. Shor and McCarty have calculated similar scores for legislatures from all 50 states.

Just for fun, I apply the W-NOMINATE algorithm each year to the Utah Legislature to infer each legislator’s relative ideology. Let me give some caveats first.

Caveat #1: These scores have no absolute meaning; there is no score that means “conservative” or “liberal,” for example. But they do have relative meaning; if Legislator A has a higher score than Legislator B, then we can say that Legislator A has a voting record to the right of Legislator B. But to be clear, the highest score is not necessarily the “most conservative” or “most Republican” score, since somebody from the lunatic fringe could get a very extremely far-right or far-left score.

Caveat #2: Sometimes I hear of legislators boasting to the party faithful that I gave them the “most conservative” score. That is a misuse of these data. See Caveat #1.

Caveat #3: I calculate these scores separately each year. Because these scores have no absolute scale, that means you can’t compare a score from one year to a score for another. Nor can you compare a House score to a Senate score–if you want to do that, use the Shor-McCarty scores instead.

Having said all that, take a look at the distribution of scores for the 2017 Utah House. (You can find the Senate, or other years of the House, here.) I constrain scores to fall between -100 (more liberal) and +100 (more conservative). Again, the midpoint doesn’t mean “moderate,” it means “the middle of the House,” which will be a pretty conservative position. Here’s the 2017 Utah House, with a “D” marking each Democrat’s score and an “R” marking each Republican’s:

Ideology - Watkins 2017

See the one that I highlighted? That’s Rep. Christine Watkins. She served 4 years as a Democrat from 2009-2012. After losing reelection, she switched parties and rejoined the Legislature this year (after a 4-year absence), this time as a Republican. Now take a look at the distribution of ideology scores for the 2012 Utah House, Rep. Watkins’s last year as a Democrat. I’ve highlighted her again.

Ideology - Watkins 2012

Now, I realize I just said you can’t compare a score from one year to a score from another. But we’re not doing that. We’re comparing her relative position in one year to her relative position in another. In 2012, she was within the Democratic mainstream, though on the conservative side. In 2017, she was within the Republican mainstream, though on the liberal side.

Let’s look at this another way. If you look up Rep. Watkins (2017) in my “who votes together” tool, you’ll find that the person she voted with most often in 2017 was  (drumroll please) Speaker Greg Hughes. They voted together 95.3% of the time. Meanwhile, out of her 74 House colleagues, she voted less often with Democratic minority leader Brian King than with all but 6 of colleagues (also Democrats).

Now back up to 2012. If you look up Rep. Watkins (2012) in my “who votes together” tool, you’ll find that she voted with Brian King 93.5% of the time that year. (He wasn’t minority leader that year, but let’s use him for comparison anyway.) She voted with him more often than anybody else that year, except for 2 other Democrats who barely edged him out. What a difference 4 years make.

To be clear, this is not a post about Rep. Watkins. It’s a post about the dance of ideology and partisanship. It’s possible that she experienced a profound ideological conversion during her absence from the Legislature. It’s more likely that we’re seeing the influence of party leadership on her floor voting. I don’t mean to imply that party leaders told her how to vote, but rather that rank-and-file legislators know which side their bread is buttered on.

You can find ideology scores for all legislators here. And you can find my “who votes together” tool here.

About Adam Brown: Adam Brown is an assistant professor of political science at Brigham Young University and a research fellow with the Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy. You can learn more about him at his website.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Who voted “nay” the most in the 2017 Legislature?

The House had its lowest failure rate in half a decade.

As I posted earlier, the Utah Legislature is almost a bipartisan lovefest. Legislators just don’t like voting “nay.” In general, if something gets to the floor, it’s going to pass. In 2017, only 2% of Utah House floor votes had a negative outcome. It was even lower in the Utah Senate: 1%. Though the Senate has been at 1% for years, the House had its lowest failure rate in half a decade. Here’s the trend:

Failure rates, 2007-2017

Of course, some legislators vote “nay” more than others. Surprising nobody, Speaker Greg Hughes and President Wayne Niederhauser seldom vote nay; after all, if they don’t like a bill, they can just kill it. More generally, legislative leaders often have very agreeable voting records. And surprising nobody, Democrats often vote nay more than Republicans. That’s to be expected when they’re in the minority. Where it gets fun is looking at the Republicans with high “nay” rates.

The lowest “nay” rates in the House: Representatives Hughes (1%), Noel (3%), Wilson (3%), Christensen (3%), and Handy (3%). The highest “nay” rates: Representatives Kwan (14%), Briscoe (14%), Hollins (15%), Chavez-Houck (15%), and Romero (16%). Among Republicans, the highest “nay” rates were Representatives Greene (12%), Roberts (13%), and McCay (13%). In years past, Rep. McCay voted “nay” more than anybody in the chamber, including the Democrats; this is the second year in a row where he’s fallen behind at least a few Democrats.

The lowest “nay” rates in the Senate: Senators Jerry Stevenson (0%), Hemmert (1%), Buxton (1%), Niederhauser (1%), and Okerlund (1%). The highest (and this time there are Republicans in the top 5): Senators Hinkins (5%), Iwamoto (5%), Escamilla (6%), Dayton (7%), and Dabakis (9%). (Senators Hinkins and Dayton are the Republicans.)

You can find “nay” rates for any legislator here.

Next up: How Representative Watkins’s change from Democrat to Republican changed her voting record. (Hint: It’s even more fascinating than you’re probably guessing.)

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Who missed the most votes in the 2017 Legislature?

Absenteeism declined  in 2017.

My previous two posts had some good news about the 2017 Legislature: Vetting time improved a little, giving the public more time to see most bills, and bipartisanship remained the order of the day. But now it’s time for a more dubious distinction: Calling out those who missed the most votes.

First, the usual caveats. In a 45-day session with hundreds of bills to consider, it is inevitable that legislators will need to leave the floor at times. There are literally times near the end of the General Session when leaving the floor for an urgent restroom break can cause a legislator to miss several votes. So all legislators can be excused for missing a handful of votes.

Second, if a legislator experiences a health issue or attends a funeral for a day, that can also cause several missed votes–especially if these issues arise toward the end of the session.

Third, legislative leaders and those with responsibility over the process (i.e. the Rules Chair) or the budget are expected to miss many votes toward the end of each session.

Of course, these aren’t the only reason that legislators miss votes. In the 2017 Legislature, 10% of Senators were absent from the average floor vote. This is actually an improvement over recent years; we haven’t seen better since 2007. The House also improved, pushing average absenteeism down to only 5%. So absenteeism declined  in 2017. Here’s the trend for each chamber:

Absenteeism rates, 2007-2017

In the House, the almost perfect attendance awards go to Representatives Hall, Kennedy, and Westwood, each of whom missed only 0.3% of votes. At the other end are Representatives Ray (13.8%), Gibson (16.0%), Noel (16.6%), Wilson (20.6%), and finally Hughes (32.5%). Other than Paul Ray, these other 5 are all in chamber leadership.

In the Senate, former Representative and freshman Senator Gregg Buxton had the best attendance, missing only 2.7% of votes, followed by Senators Don Ipson (3.4%) and Jani Iwamoto (3.7%). I’ve always found it curious that even the best-attending Senators miss so many more votes than the best-attending Representatives. At the other end are Senators Hillyard (15.0%), Anderegg (17.0%), Hemmert (18.7%), Niederhauser (25.7%), and Stevenson (29.7%). Only 2 of these 5 are in leadership–Niederhause and Stevenson. The next 2 (Anderegg and Hemmert) are new to the Senate this year.

You can find absentee rates for all legislators who served in 2017 here.

Next up: Who voted “nay” the most?

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Utah lawmakers loved to agree in the 2017 Legislature

Most bills that make it to a vote pass comfortably with bipartisan support.

The partisan rancor that pervades national politics seldom reaches the Utah Legislature. Simply put, Republicans control such an overwhelming supermajority of seats that they have no need to fear Democrats. And since they don’t fear them, they are more open to their ideas than a newcomer to Utah politics might expect.

Many metrics reveal this pattern. We can start with each party’s batting average. Once again, Democrats passed over half their bills. They’ve done worse under more some speakers than others (take a look at the pre-Lockhart and pre-Hughes era). But their 53% bill passage rate for 2017 is downright respectable for a party that holds less than 1 in 5 seats in each chamber.

Party batting averages, 2007-2017

Let’s look at floor votes. Party line votes–that is, votes where the majority of legislative Republicans votes against the majority of legislative Democrats–are almost unheard of in the Utah Legislature. The next figure shows that only 13% of House votes and 6% of Senate votes were decided along partisan lines.

Party line voting, 2007-2017

Instead, most bills that make it to a vote pass comfortably with bipartisan support. In 2017, 93% of legislators voted together on the average House vote; it rose to 97% in the Utah Senate. That 97% figure actually marks a record in my 11-year data series. Still, it’s not far from the typical range, as you can see:

Average size of floor vote coalitions, 2007-2017

There were some doozies, of course. Here are the 12 votes decided by 8 Representatives or fewer (i.e. by 10% or less of the 75-member body) in the Utah House:

Bill Vote type Ayes-Nays-Absent Vote margin
HB0029S04 House/ failed 37-38-0 1
HB0176 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-37-0 1
HB0348S02 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-37-0 1
HB0078 House/ failed 34-36-5 2
HB0408 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-36-1 2
HB0428S01 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-36-1 2
HB0178 House/ floor amendment # 1 38-34-3 4
HB0291S01 House/ floor amendment failed 35-39-1 4
HB0395S05 House/ passed 3rd reading 39-34-2 5
HB0326 House/ failed 32-38-5 6
SB0114S06 House/ substituted from # 4 to # 6 40-33-2 7
HB0156S01 House/ passed 3rd reading 40-32-3 8

And here are the 6 votes decided by 3 Senators or fewer (i.e. by 10% or less of the 29-member body) in the Utah Senate:

Bill Vote type Ayes-Nays-Absent Vote margin
SB0029 Senate/ failed 14-14-1 0
HB0099S01 Senate/ passed 2nd & 3rd readings/ suspension 15-14-0 1
SB0088 Senate/ failed 12-13-4 1
SB0115S01 Senate/ failed 13-15-1 2
HB0149S02 Senate/ passed 3rd reading 15-12-2 3
SB0115S01 Senate/ failed 13-16-0 3

Here is a longer list of close votes from each chamber, and here are more tables and charts with floor voting patterns in the Utah Legislature.

Up next: Who missed the most votes?

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

The 2017 Utah Legislature passed a record number of bills but slightly improved vetting time

We’re not back to the good old days of 2007-2008, but legislators definitely did better this year at getting their bills out earlier

Back in January, I heard a lot of chatter that this would be one of the busiest sessions ever. Folks were saying that legislators had submitted some 1200 bill requests to drafting attorneys. Though it’s true that the 2017 Legislature passed a record number of bills–535, edging out the 528 from two years ago–there weren’t necessarily more bills on the docket. Legislators introduced only (only!) 810 bills, a decline from the 831 introduced two years ago. As you can see from this next chart, this isn’t much of a change either way.

Total bills introduced and passed, 2007-2017

Legislators continued their habit of rushing bills through. With only 45 days for the General Session, the most any bill will age between introduction and final passage is 45 days. Of course, few bills actually age that much. If legislators don’t get their bill requests to staff before the holidays, then the bills won’t be ready for introduction until halfway through the session. Of course, most bills don’t get nearly 45 days of vetting. In 2017, the average bill aged only 17.2 days from introduction to first floor vote. As fast as that sounds, it’s actually the longest interval since the 17.9 day average clear back in 2007.

After that first vote on day 17.2, the average bill aged only 11.2 more days before its final passage. Those are calendar days, not working days; taking out weekends, 11.2 calendar days are only 9.2 working days. It’s hard for bicameralism to work when the second chamber gets so little time to consider bills, but at least we’re doing a little better than we were in 2011 and 2012.

You can see this improvement in the next chart. In the chart, the public has the most time to react to bills when the orange bars are tall and the blue bars are short. This year, 371 bills were introduced during the first week; after last year’s 376, that’s the most since 2008. Only 108 bills were introduced in the session’s final three weeks, the least since 2010. We’re not back to the good old days of 2007-2008, but legislators definitely did better this year at getting their bills out earlier, allowing more time for public comment. There were exceptions, of course.

Bills introduced early or late, 2007-2017

Next up: Floor voting patterns. Once again, bipartisan consensus rules the day, with minimal party-line voting and only a few close votes. Read it now.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

How corrupt is Utah?

On the whole, Utah has lower-than-average levels of political corruption.

At length, former Utah Attorney General John Swallow is finally scheduled to face a jury this week. No matter how Swallow’s story ends, however, it marks an aberration. Federal statistics show that Utah has had very low levels of corruption and political malfeasance over the past several years.

I’m leaning on annual reports from the Public Integrity Section at the Department of Justice, which tabulate the number of federal, state, or local officials (whether elected or appointed) convicted of malfeasance in office each year. Recognizing that more populous states tend to have more elected officials, I use convictions per capita rather than total convictions. Well, actually I’m using convictions per 1,000,000 residents, which makes for more workable numbers.

The result? From 2002 through 2015, Utah averaged 1.4 convictions each year per million residents. Only 5 states did better: Oregon (1.0 per year), New Hampshire (1.0), Minnesota (1.2), South Carolina (1.2), and Washington (1.2). Some did far worse: Louisiana (9.3 per year), South Dakota (8.0), North Dakota (7.3), and Kentucky (6.8).

If you’re like me, the chart below will be easier to understand than the preceding paragraph. Click it to make it bigger and easier to read. You’ll find Utah near the top, ranked 6th out of 50 states, only marginally behind the leaders.

Annual corruption cases by state

Here’s another, slightly more complicated way to look at it. The next chart shows the yearly total separately for each state. You’ll see that Utah stays steadily low, while some states have spikes up and down. Again, click the image to enlarge it. States are ordered alphabetically this time, so Utah comes on the last row:

Corruption by state-year

Caveat #1: The Justice Department’s statistics count only convictions won in federal court (whether against federal, state, or local officials from a state). They do not count convictions won in state court. Of note, Swallow is being tried in state court. For that to shuffle these rankings, though, you have to persuade me that the feds are systematically less likely to bring charges in federal court in Utah than elsewhere.

Caveat #2: These statistics count only the number of convictions, with no consideration of the qualitative impact of an official’s malfeasance. This caveat matters a lot more than the preceding one: If Swallow really did what he’s accused of doing, then the scale of his corruption goes far beyond most abuse of office.

In any event, after some turbulent weeks for political news, isn’t it nice to hear something good? On the whole, Utah has lower-than-average levels of political corruption.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , , | Comments Off on How corrupt is Utah?

Naysayers in the 2016 Utah Legislature

Even more so than Representatives, Senators really don’t like voting “nay.”

Utah legislators don’t like voting no. Well, most of them don’t. Only 3% (House) and 1% (Senate) of floor votes held in 2016 failed, and that was consistent with past trends:

Utah Legislature - Percentage of failed floor votes, 2007-2016

But every average has its exceptions, and this average is no exception. Let’s start in the House.

Who votes “nay” in the House?

Folks probably expect that minority Democrats vote “no” more often than majority Republicans, so I won’t dwell on them. I’ll just state for the record that the most frequent “nay” voters in the House were Representatives Chavez-Houck (15%), Romero (14%), Brian King (14%), and Briscoe (13%).

But there were a few House Republicans up there. Representatives Thurston (13%), Roberts (13%), McCay (12%), and Greene (11%) cast more “nay” votes than many of their Democratic colleagues.

The end of Dan McNay?

The big surprise here is that Dan McCay, a Republican, has fallen from his pedestal. During his first three years of service, he cast more “nay” votes than anybody else, of any party. Now, in his fourth year, he fell to 10th place–behind 7 Democrats and 2 Republicans. Maybe that means folks don’t get to call him Rep. McNay any more.

Who votes “nay” in the Senate?

Even more so than Representatives, Senators really don’t like voting “nay.” Let’s take all 75 Representatives and all 29 Senators, 104 legislators in all, put them together. Of these 104, let’s look at the 15 legislators who cast the fewest “nay” votes. Turns out that 13 of these 15 are in the Senate.

Let’s take another tack: 22 of 29 Senators–that’s three-quarters of the chamber–voted “nay” less than 5% of the time. The House is almost three times bigger, yet there were almost exactly as many Representatives (23, or 31% of the chamber) with a similar “nay” rate. Senators are just more friendly, I guess.

The highest “nay” rate in the Senate came from Republican Sen. Margaret Dayton, voting “nay” 11% of the time. That puts her behind 13 Representatives, but well ahead of any fellow Senators. Her closest Senate competition came from Sen. Jim Dabakis, a Democrat who voted “nay” only 8% of the time.

Find “nay” voting rates for all legislators here.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , | Comments Off on Naysayers in the 2016 Utah Legislature

Who missed the most votes in the 2016 Utah Legislature?

The perfect attendance award goes to Rep. Michael Kennedy, the only legislator to miss zero votes.

Utah Legislators had only 45 days to consider 819 bills, passing 475 of them. The Legislature moves at such a breakneck pace that falling ill for a day or two can mean missing a lot of votes; running around persuading legislators to vote for a bill you’re running can mean missing even more votes. Nevertheless, absenteeism tends to be pretty low in the Utah House, with an average of only 6% of Representatives (4.5 out of 75 total) missing any given vote. The rate is a bit higher in the Utah Senate, at 14% (4.1 of 29 total). Absenteeism in the Senate has been rising steadily, but it has remained steady in the House:

Utah Legislature - Average Absentee Rate, 2007-2016

Of course, some legislators contribute more to those averages than others. The perfect attendance award goes to Rep. Michael Kennedy, the only legislator to miss zero votes. Honorable mentions (for missing fewer than 1% of votes) go to Kay Christofferson, Fred Cox, John Westwood, Val Peterson, and Bruce Cutler, all in the House, and all Republican.

At the other end are those who missed many, many, many votes. Last year, Speaker Greg Hughes set a record (for my data, which span 10 sessions) with his 37% absentee rate. It’s common for chamber leaders to miss votes as they work behind the scenes hashing out compromises, but 37% was far higher than we had seen from other legislative leaders. This year, he brought his absentee rate down to 29%–still far higher than the 21% absentee rate of his Senate counterpart, Wayne Niederhauser, and still far higher than 22% rate of his predecessor, Becky Lockhart, in 2014, but enough of a reduction that Greg Hughes didn’t have the highest absentee rate this year.

This year’s most absent? Sen. Jani Iwamoto, who was excused for several days near the end of the session for medical reasons, missed 46% of votes. Close on her heels was Sen. Mark Madsen, who poured his soul into SB 73, his medical marijuana bill, and appears to have had little appetite for much else. Perhaps for similar reasons, Sen. Steve Urquhart came in third, with a 37% absentee rate, having poured his soul into hate crimes legislation and ending the death penalty.

You’ll find absentee rates for all legislators at my personal website.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , | Comments Off on Who missed the most votes in the 2016 Utah Legislature?

The closest votes of the 2016 Legislature

Two of the session’s closest Senate votes came 45 minutes apart, voting on the same bill, within an hour of adjournment, with opposite results.

The Utah Legislature loves consensus. Bills seldom pass on party-line votes. Instead, votes routinely pass with both Republicans and Democrats on board, producing an average majority size of 93% (House) and 96% (Senate).

But averages have exceptions, and there were some doozies in the 2016 Legislature. Let’s start in the House. With 75 Representatives, it takes 38 votes to pass. Two issues were decided by a single vote, both eking out passage on a 38-37 decision. Unsurprisingly, they were both issues that attracted lots of coverage: HB221, which requires parents opting out of vaccinations for their school-age children to first watch an educational video, and HJR18, which calls for a Constitutional convention to consider term limits for the US Congress.

Here’s the full list of House floor votes that were decided by a margin of 10% (7.5 votes) or fewer:

Bill Vote type Ayes-Nays-Absent Vote margin
HB0221S10 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-37-0 1
HJR018 House/ passed 3rd reading 38-37-0 1
SB0045S03 House/ passed 3rd reading 39-35-1 4
HB0221S10 House/ substituted from # 6 to # 8 39-35-1 4
SB0251S03 House/ floor amendment # 1 40-35-0 5
SJR002 House/ passed 3rd reading 39-34-2 5
SB0086 House/ passed 3rd reading 39-33-3 6
HB0011S02 House/ failed 32-38-5 6
HB0091 House/ failed 34-40-1 6
HB0116S03 House/ failed 33-39-3 6
SB0045S03 House/ failed 32-39-4 7
SB0115S04 House/ failed 33-40-2 7
HB0220S01 House/ passed 3rd reading 41-33-1 8
HJR008 House/ passed 3rd reading 41-33-1 8

Now let’s go the Senate. With 29 Senators, it takes 15 votes to pass. The closest vote wasn’t a 15-14 vote, though–rather, it was a 13-13 vote, with 3 absent, rejecting HB348 at 11:02pm on March 10–only 58 minutes before the session’s constitutionally-mandated adjournment. 45 minutes later, HB348 came back for reconsideration and passed into law on a 15-12-2 vote, just 13 minutes before the midnight deadline. Yes, that means two of the session’s closest Senate votes came 45 minutes apart, voting on the same bill, within an hour of adjournment, with opposite results.

After that lone 13-13 tie, the next-closest vote was a failed 14-15 vote on SB61, which would have eliminated indoor smoking rooms at Utah airports.

This table lists all Senate votes decided by a margin of less than 10%–that is, 2.9 votes or fewer.

Bill Vote type Ayes-Nays-Absent Vote margin
HB0348S02 Senate/ failed 13-13-3 0
SB0061 Senate/ failed 14-15-0 1
SB0073S03 Senate/ passed 2nd reading 15-13-1 2
SB0125S01 Senate/ failed 13-11-5 2
SB0180 Senate/ failed 13-15-1 2
HB0223S03 Senate/ failed 13-11-5 2
SB0189 Senate/ passed 3rd reading 15-12-2 3
HB0041 Senate/ failed 11-14-4 3
HB0348S02 Senate/ passed 2nd & 3rd readings/ suspension 15-12-2 3
HB0431 Senate/ passed 2nd & 3rd readings/ suspension 15-12-2 3

Though most votes pass with near unanimity, legislators throw enough of these nailbiters out there to keep things interesting.

You can find longer tables, as well as tables for past years, at my closest floor votes page.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , | Comments Off on The closest votes of the 2016 Legislature

Unanimity remained the rule in the 2016 Utah Legislature

Utah’s Republicans and Democrats vote together more often than they vote against each other.

Last fall, House Minority Leader directed a scathing op-ed at his Republican counterparts. Near the end of the 2016 session, Utah’s legislators approved changes to the (traditionally bipartisan) Legislative Management Committee placing the majority Republicans in control–a move that some have interpreted as retaliation for House Democrats’ more confrontational tone.

Whether these changes (via HB220) were retaliation or not, it appears that Democrats and Republicans continue to get along well overall. Though the Legislature remains 84% Republican, the average floor vote passed with 93% (House) or 96% (Senate) of legislators voting together. We’ve seen similarly high numbers for the past decade:

Utah Legislature - Average Voting Majority, 2007-2016

You don’t get to 93/96% unless Democrats and Republicans vote together. In fact, it was very very very rare to see a vote where most Democrats voted against most Republicans. Only 14% (House) and 6% (Senate) of floor votes divided legislators along party lines. Again, these rates were typical of the past decade:

Utah Legislature - Frequency of Party-Line Votes, 2007-2016

Moreover, majority Republicans didn’t seem to pay much mind to a legislator’s party affiliation when deciding whether to vote for that legislator’s bills. Of bills sponsored by Republicans, 59% passed; of bills sponsored by Democrats, 53% passed. That 6% gap is the narrowest party gap as we’ve seen in a long time. Pay attention to the blue bars in this chart, which show the party gap:

Maybe, as some have suggested, HB220 was retaliation by Republicans against Democrats for Brian King’s more combative tone. If it was, though, then that appears to have been the extent of it. As always, Utah’s Republicans and Democrats vote together more often than they vote against each other.

Look for more data like this on my floor voting statistics page.

Posted in Everything | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment