What do Romero and McAdams disagree on?

Looking across all 1,416 votes, Romero and McAdams disagreed only 64 times

Ross Romero, the Democratic leader in Utah’s Senate, announced in September that he would run for Salt Lake County mayor.A few weeks later Ben McAdams, Romero’s Democratic colleague in the Utah Senate, announced his intention to run against Romero. Romero was surprised and “a little disappointed.”

When two legislators from the chamber run against each other, we have a golden opportunity to compare the voting records. Recently I compared the voting records of Utah Representatives Carl Wimmer and Stephen Sandstrom, who are running against each other for Congress. Today, let’s compare Senators Romero and McAdams.

The data

Senator Romero has served several years in the legislature, but Senator McAdams has served only two. For this comparison, I use voting records from the 2010 and 2011 sessions of the Utah legislature.

Excluding absences, Romero and McAdams participated in 1,416 separate votes in the Utah Senate during this time. Many of those were lopsided. Only 149 votes were “close,” meaning that the winning side had no more than 20 of the 29 available votes.

The results

Romero and McAdams disagree less often than Wimmer and Sandstrom do. Looking across all 1,416 votes, Romero and McAdams disagreed only 64 times (that’s 4.5% of the votes).

If we look only at the 149 “close” votes, then they disagreed more often, with 16 disagreements (that’s 10.7% of the votes).

A caveat

Because Democrats are such a small minority in the Utah legislature, the real legislative battles take place within the Republican party. There are many votes that divide Republicans, but fewer that divide Democrats, simply because most proposals that come to a vote propose something that is far to the right of what any Democrats would support. (That’s just an impression; I’ll try to remember to run the numbers on that in a future post.)

As such, it might be easier to find votes that divide any two Republicans than to find votes that divide any two Democrats. In other words, there might be more disagreement between Romero and McAdams than these data can reveal.

Examples of disagreements

Of their 16 disagreements on “close” votes, 11 come from the 2011 general session. Here’s the 7 times where McAdams voted “yes” to Romero’s “no” in 2011:

  • HB007S1 (final vote), “Infrastructure and General Government Base Budget”
  • HB199 (2nd reading), “Advertisements on School Buses”
  • HB488 (final vote), “Budgeting Procedures Amendments”
  • SB065 (2nd reading), “Statewide Online Education Program”
  • SB 150 (final vote), “Negligent Credentialing”
  • SB 179 (2nd reading), “Math Education Initiative”
  • SB 229 (final vote), “Transportation Funding Revisions”

Here’s the 4 times where Romero voted “yes” to McAdams’s “no” in 2011:

  • HB137 (2nd reading), “Transportation Changes”
  • SB073S1 (2nd reading), “Public School Teacher Tenure Modifications”
  • SB239S1 (failed on 2nd), “Motor and Special Fuel Tax Amendments”
  • SB270 (2nd reading), “Modifications to Sales and Use Tax”

That’s just the 11 disagreements on “close” votes in 2011. If you want the complete list of all 64 disagreements, contact me.

About Adam Brown: Adam Brown is an associate professor of political science at Brigham Young University and a research fellow with the Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy. You can learn more about him at his website.

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Why Mitt Romney is not the inevitable nominee

Romney is no more “inevitable” than Howard Dean in 2004 or Hillary Clinton in 2008.

Mitt Romney has polled consistently with around 20% support for months. Meanwhile, we’ve seen a variety of opponents rise rapidly than fall. First it was the Donald back in April, then Bachmann in July, then Perry in August and September, then Cain in October, and now Gingrich. We’ve seen several outlets describe Romney’s nomination as increasingly inevitable, including Politico, ABC News, and the Washington Post.

There’s just one problem: Howard Dean was just as “inevitable” in late 2003, before losing the nomination to John Kerry. Hillary Clinton was even more “inevitable” in late 2007, before losing the nomination to Barack Obama. And looking at the data, it looks like Romney is no more “inevitable” than Howard Dean in 2004 or Hillary Clinton in 2008.

Howard Dean’s fall from inevitability in 2004

For weeks prior to the first primaries and caucuses of 2008, Howard Dean held a consistent lead in the polls. Kerry, Edwards, Gephardt, Clark, and others were stuck at 10% support or less, but Dean was polling consistently in the 20s, then the 30s, and occasionally in the 40s. Clearly, he was the inevitable nominee.

Then, John Kerry was the surprise winner of the Iowa caucus. The day before the caucus, his polling support was at 9%. A week after the caucus, he was flirting with 50%. Within a few more weeks, Kerry had the nomination clinched.

Why? Apparently Dean had maxed out his support at 30% or so. The remaining Democratic voters weren’t sure whether to get behind Kerry, or Edwards, or Clark, or Gephardt, but they agreed that they did not want Howard Dean. Kerry’s Iowa victory was a clear signal to the anti-Dean voters: If you want to beat Howard Dean, you need to abandon Edwards, Clark, and Gephardt and get behind Kerry. (You can read a similar explanation of Dean’s fall here, by prominent pollster Mark Blumenthal.)

Hillary Clinton’s fall from inevitability in 2008.

Throughout 2007, Hillary Clinton polled even better than Howard Dean had polled in 2003. If ever there was an inevitable nominee, it was her. The chart below (source) shows her polling support from January 2007 through early 2008. Each dot is a separate poll; ignore those. The lines average across the polls to show each candidate’s overall trend. Clinton (purple line) held steady with 40-50% support all the way through 2007 and into early January.

So Hillary Clinton was inevitable–until Obama (orange line) had a surprise win in Iowa and immediately climbed in the polls. Perhaps we should have seen this coming. After all, in October 2007, John Edwards had explained his decision to stay in the race by comparing Hillary Clinton’s inevitability to Howard Dean’s. It turns out he was right.

What happened? The pro-Clinton faction was between 40 and 50% of the Democratic voters. The anti-Clinton faction was larger, but divided between voters supporting Obama, Edwards, Biden, Dodd, and others. With Obama’s Iowa victory, the anti-Clinton voters abandoned those other candidates in favor of Obama. Before January was over, Edwards, Biden, Dodd, and others withdrew their candidacies and endorsed Obama.

Mitt Romney’s problem in 2012

When Howard Dean and Hillary Clinton were declared inevitable, they were polling better than Mitt Romney is now. Howard Dean was in the 30-40 percent range. Hillary Clinton was in the 40-50 percent range. Mitt Romney, meanwhile, has polled in the high teens and low 20s for most of 2011. The chart below (source) shows polling data spanning an entire year, back to November 2010. Romney (purple line) has been pretty stable in this range, rarely going above 20-23%.

Meanwhile, other candidates have struggled to break through. Bachmann (black line) surged briefly in July, followed by Perry (dark blue) in August and September, then Cain (red) in October, and recently Gingrich (green) in November.

It sure looks like Romney might be in the same situation that Dean and Clinton were in. He may have maxed out his support in the 20-30% range. The anti-Romney vote is struggling to figure out which candidate to get behind. The closest they came to consensus was Rick Perry, but his rise was reversed by subpar debate performances and other problems.

Punchline: Can Romney win?

Sure. Romney can win. If anti-Romney voters fail to coordinate around a candidate, Romney can win. But it is a mistake to call Romney’s nomination inevitable. In fact, his nomination might even be doubtful, if it is in fact true that he has maxed out his approval the way Howard Dean and Hillary Clinton did.

If some non-Romney candidate does surprisingly well in Iowa or New Hampshire, that candidate might very quickly become the anti-Romney rallying point, just as Kerry and Obama became anti-Dean and anti-Clinton rallying points. Now we just need to wait and see whether that happens.

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Do Wimmer and Sandstrom agree on everything?

Wimmer and Sandstrom have voted against each other 257 times

We now have two Republican members of the state legislature planning to run against each other in the newly-created 4th Congressional district. It’s been clear for months that Carl Wimmer wanted to run there, so it wasn’t surprising when that district was drawn to include his Herriman home. The surprise came this week, when his fellow Republican legislator Stephen Sandstrom announced his intention to run against Wimmer.

Sandstrom’s candidacy has surprised many observers, mainly because Sandstrom and Wimmer are seen as friends and allies. For example, the Tribune notes that both men supported HB 479 (the enforcement-only immigration law) and both opposed HB 116 (the guest worker law). Both also supported HB 477, the controversial GRAMA revision. It’s also true that both are founding members of the legislature’s Patrick Henry Caucus. They are so similar that the race might hinge more on personality and experience than on ideology, as discussed in the Tribune’s article.

I took a look at Wimmer’s and Sandstrom’s votes in the Utah House. It turns out that there’s more ideological distance between them than we might expect.

The data

I have compiled a database of every recorded legislative vote from the 2007 through 2011 general sessions. Representatives Sandstrom and Wimmer have served in all five of these legislative sessions, so we have lots of data for comparison.

The Utah House held 3,156 votes across those five general sessions. Occasionally a legislator misses a vote for one reason or another. (I discuss legislator absenteeism here.) There were 2,659 votes where BOTH Sandstrom and Wimmer were present and voting. I’ll look only at those 2,659 votes.

The results

Of these 2,659 recorded floor votes, Wimmer and Sandstrom have voted against each other 257 times. Of these, Sandstrom voted “no” to Wimmer’s “yes” 54 times, and Wimmer voted “no” to Sandstrom’s “yes” 203 times.

That may not seem like much. After all, they still voted together 90% of the time. But consider some perspective. Most votes in the Utah House are decided by a supermajority. Of the 2,659 votes I’m looking at, 1,985 had a supermajority of at least 55 of the 75 representatives voting together. We wouldn’t usually expect to see Sandstrom and Wimmer disagree on these sorts of near-unanimous votes.

Only 417 votes over the past five years have been decided by slimmer margins. Of those 417 votes, Sandstrom and Wimmer have disagreed 97 times. That is, Wimmer and Sandstrom have disagreed on 23% of these contested votes. That’s a lot.

What’s more, there were even more disagreements in the 2011 session than in past years. The table below shows all 2,659 votes over the past five years where both Sandstrom and Wimmer were present. In 2011, they disagreed 15.5% of the time, almost double their usual rate of disagreement. This disagreement came despite their agreement on some of the most controversial bills (immigration and GRAMA).

2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
total # votes 499 552 565 527 516
# disagree 34 54 45 44 80
% disagree 6.8% 9.8% 8.0% 8.3% 15.5%

Further evidence: Ideology scores

Last May, I calculated ideology scores for every Utah legislator using the same 2007-2011 voting records. Both men are consistently more conservative than the average legislative Republican. Let me reiterate: There’s no question that both men are conservative Republicans, even by Utah standards.

But my ideology scores showed some daylight between them. Wimmer’s score is consistently extreme, placing him far to the right of most Utah Republicans, whereas Sandstrom’s puts him to the right of average, but still within the mainstream. (The raw scores are here.)

I’ve put the ideology scores for the 2011 General Session of the Utah House in the figure below. Scores range from -100 to +100. Each legislator’s score is indicated by a D for Democrats, R for Republicans. For example, 4 Democrats had a score between -100 and -90, hence the 4 Ds in the first row. Sandstrom is the S; Wimmer is the W. Both men are right of average, but Wimmer’s score is extremely to the right of average.

Sandstrom's ideology score is right of center, but not as extreme as Wimmer's

Ideology scores for the 2011 Utah House

The disagreements

I’ve got a spreadsheet showing every vote since 2007 where Wimmer and Sandstrom have disagreed. I haven’t looked through it closely, since I don’t get paid for writing these posts. I’m happy to make the complete list available to anybody who contacts me. Just a few random examples from 2011:

  • Sandstrom voted for HB204 (“protection of athletes with head injuries”), Wimmer did not.
  • Sandstrom voted for HB15 (“Controlled Substance Database – Licensing Amendments”), Wimmer did not.
  • Sandstrom voted for HB223 (“Innkeeper’s Rights Act Modifications”), Wimmer did not.
  • Wimmer voted for HB 221S1 (“Classic car inspections”), Sandstrom did not.
  • Wimmer voted for HB301 (“School district property tax revisions”), Sandstrom did not.

That list just comes from randomly choosing rows in my spreadsheet to look at. I’m sure there would be more interesting disagreements if I looked more closely.

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A new report on Utah’s nominating system

Do Utah’s election laws and practices allow “full opportunity” for people to become candidates and for “voters to express their choice?”

This is a guest post by Morgan Lyon Cotti, Senior Research Analyst at the Utah Foundation.

Utah Foundation released a report today titled, “Nominating Candidates: The Politics and Process of Utah’s Unique Convention and Primary System.” It examines the history of Utah’s nominating process to understand how, and especially why, the current process developed. One of the major findings of the report is how unique Utah’s system is. No other state allows parties to preclude a primary if a candidate for major statewide or congressional office receives enough delegate votes. As we studied this process, we also considered how “democratic,” it is…does it give full access to those who want to participate? In Section 20A-9-401 of the Utah State Code, it states, “This part shall be construed liberally so as to ensure full opportunity for persons to become candidates and for voters to express their choice.” Do Utah’s election laws and practices allow “full opportunity” for people to become candidates and for “voters to express their choice?”

Would a different system increase “full opportunity” to become a candidate? Under Utah’s current nominating process, the top two vote-getters in convention proceed to the primary. If a candidate garners 60% of delegate votes, he or she is declared the nominee and proceeds directly to the general election. What if Utah’s system were changed to be more like other states, for instance, like neighboring New Mexico, which has a 20% threshold to continue to the primary? With the available data, we know that if Utah had a 20% threshold system, at least five more primary elections would have taken place since 2002. In 2010, for example, there would have been a Republican primary between Gary Herbert and Daniel Van Oaks, Jr., and also a primary battle between Morgan Philpot and Neil Water in the 2nd House district. In addition, four primaries would have had more than two candidates. Looking again at 2010, the Republican Senate primary would have featured Bob Bennett in addition to Mike Lee and Tim Bridgewater. Archival research also shows that in the 1930s and 1940s when Utah had a direct primary, many primary elections had more than two candidates.

Would a more open system increase voter turnout? Political scientists argue that the structure of the voting system can either hinder or induce voter turnout. In general, states that eliminate barriers to voting and allow election-day registration and hold open primaries have higher voter turnout. States that have stricter laws have lower voter turnout. Historically, Utah had relatively high voter turnout rates, but the rates have consistently declined in recent decades to near or below the national average. It is not clear why Utah’s voter turnout has declined, but restrictive voter laws and non-competitive races may be strong factors.

Would a more open system have policy implications? Research has shown that strong constituencies can have a significant effect on the behavior of leaders. If these findings are applied to Utah’s political system, this may signify that elected leaders are more focused on making policies supported by party delegates, rather than their larger constituencies. Especially since in many Utah races, it’s a foregone conclusion that the Republican nominee will win, due to local dominance of Republican voter registration and voting patterns. In these cases, the “real” election is at the spring convention, when a candidate must appeal to delegates for the party’s nomination. It seems quite clear that if the delegates are the deciding body, candidates will shape their actions to continue to appeal to those delegates for future re-election. Since the views and priorities of delegates can be quite different from other party members or the general public, this is problematic for representative government. For example, at the 2010 Republican Convention, 75% of the delegates were men, which is clearly non-representative of Utah’s population. If Utah’s system were reformed so that a broader array of voters had greater power and influence, policy decisions by elected officials would likely be different, intended to appeal to a wider constituency.

This is a guest post by Morgan Lyon Cotti, Senior Research Analyst at the Utah Foundation.

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Are legislators faithful to their constituents?

The correlation between district partisanship and legislator ideology is not perfect, but it is nevertheless strongly positive.

This analysis was performed by Robert Richards, a student research fellow at BYU’s Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy, in collaboration with me and other faculty. The writing is mostly his. Inquiries about this research should come to me (Adam Brown).

Utah legislators voted on 585 separate bills during the 2011 session. Citizens generally hope their legislators are voting the way they themselves would if given the chance, but even the most attentive citizen doesn’t keep track of every vote his/her legislator casts. This means that legislators can conceivably vote contrary to the wishes of their districts (knowingly or unknowingly) without attracting any negative attention.

We can actually test this: We can get a rough estimate of each legislative district’s ideology by looking at its gubernatorial vote in 2010. We can also give an ideology score to each legislator’s voting record using the NOMINATE scoring procedure we have written about in the past. Using those data sources, then, we can ask the question: Do legislators from more conservative districts vote in a more conservative way? Do legislators from more liberal districts vote in a more liberal way?

The figure below depicts these data. Each “D” represents a Democrat in the 2011 Utah House of Representatives, and each “R” represents a Republican. Legislators in more Republican districts appear further to the right and legislators with more conservative voting records appear higher up in the figure. For example, Rep. Jim Nielson’s (R-Bountiful) district gave 72% of its vote to the Republican ticket in 2010. Rep. Nielson’s ideology score for 2011 was 17, placing him on the conservative end of the legislature and near the ideological middle of House Republicans. On the other hand, Rep. Larry Wiley (D- West Valley) has an ideology score of -72, and his district voted only 37% Republican in 2010.

Responsiveness in the US House

Using a statistical technique called ordinary least squares regression, I found that legislator voting records do have a strong relationship with district ideology.1 In all of the years I examined (2007-2011), the average legislator’s ideology score was markedly more conservative in more Republican districts. In 2011, for example, if a House district shifted from being 50% Republican to being 60% Republican, I would expect the district’s representative to move 26 points to the right on the ideology score. This is illustrated by the red line in the figure above. The results are similar for the Senate.

There are some important caveats to this analysis. As the graph shows, there are a lot of legislators who do not exactly fit the trend I’ve described. Some lie very far from the line, meaning their ideology is not what we’d predict based on their district partisanship. However, these legislators aren’t necessarily bad representatives of their district’s views. Partisanship and ideology are only two aspects of representation, and they’re not exactly the same thing. This means that the “perfect representative” may not always have an ideology score that lines up with his district’s partisanship in the way we’d expect based on this model.

We can see, then, that this analysis describes only a general trend, not a hard-and-fast rule, but the trend is optimistic: Conservative districts generally have conservative legislators, and liberal districts generally have liberal legislators. The correlation between district partisanship and legislator ideology is not perfect, but it is nevertheless strongly positive.2

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The Utah Foundation’s Quality of Life Index

The following is a guest post sent in by Morgan Lyon Cotti, Senior Research Analyst at the Utah Foundation.

It is often said that Utahns enjoy a high quality of life, and many people live here their entire lives. Those who do leave the state for education or employment reasons often return some years later, and people from outside the state say they move here because of the states beauty, or ample opportunities for recreation. It is not just Utahns who have noticed this; Forbes Magazine and other organizations often rank Utah as one of the best places in the country to live or work. What is it that makes Utah such an appealing place to live?

To better understand the quality of life in Utah, and the factors that contribute to or detract from it, Utah Foundation collaborated with Intermountain Healthcare to create the Utah Foundation Quality of Life Index. The Index was created by surveying Utahns about 20 factors that influence quality of life. The survey was conducted by Lighthouse Research by phone, and 621 interviews were completed. Each factor was carefully selected based on an extensive literature review of other quality of life surveys, a focus group in which participants discussed the many important elements of quality of life, and discussion among experts regarding this topic. These factors represented a broad array of issues, ranging from jobs and education to parks and shopping. Survey respondents rated each factor on a five-point scale, with one signifying the poorest quality and five being best. The averages of these scores were then calculated to create scores and an overall index, with a possible 100 points for each. Using this methodology, the first biennial Utah Foundation’s Quality of Life Index stands at 77.2 for 2011.

In addition, Utah Foundation rated the quality or performance of each the 20 factors. In the assessment of quality, Utahns gave the highest ratings to: availability of spiritual/religious activities, natural surroundings, good parks, good stores, and higher education. Survey respondents were also asked about the importance of each factor in influencing their quality of life. In this assessment, it was found that the factors Utahns feel are most important to their quality of life are: safety and security from crime, public schools, air and water quality, healthcare, and opportunities for good jobs.

Utah Foundation Quality of Life Index
Importance Score Quality Score
Infrastructure & Vital Services 85.6 75.4
Safety & Security 92.7 80.0
Public Schools 90.7 73.5
Air & Water Quality 89.4 75.6
Quality Healthcare 89.0 82.2
Higher Education 86.7 83.5
Traffic Conditions 78.4 66.5
Public Transportation 72.1 66.9
Economic Vitality 86.0 71.8
Jobs 88.1 62.2
Affordability Other Living Costs 86.1 71.2
Good Affordable Housing 85.8 69.0
Good Stores 83.9 85.0
Social Characteristics 78.9 77.0
People Support & Help 85.8 80.2
People Accepting of Differences 84.4 72.2
Family Nearby 73.8 80.2
People Share Values 71.4 75.4
Cultural/Recreational Opportunities 80.6 84.8
Spiritual / Religious Activities 80.8 89.4
Recreational & Cultural Events 80.4 80.1
Physical Surroundings 82.4 83.5
Good Parks 84.7 85.2
Natural Surroundings 84.4 87.4
Buildings & Streets 78.0 77.8
Utah Foundation Quality of Life Index 77.2

The dichotomy between the types of factors that Utahns felt were of high importance, and those that were of high quality is pronounced. The items that were of highest importance are all things that can be considered a part of Utah’s infrastructure and economic vitality, and can be affected by government and public policy. Beyond that, they are also things voters are concerned about and want their governments to handle. Each gubernatorial election, Utah Foundation conducts a survey as part of our Utah Priorities Project, in which voters are asked what they think the most important issues in the election should be. In the last three elections, the items at the top of the Utah Priorities list are very similar to those at the top of the quality of life index, such as jobs, education, water supply and quality, crime and security and healthcare. In addition, when these things are performing poorly, voters blame (and often punish) elected leaders.

This was in stark contrast to those factors that performed well in quality. As the survey was drafted, there was a feeling among the researchers that factors such as living near family, access to recreation, or living near people who share similar values would be very important. These are all in line with anecdotes we had heard about why people move to Utah and were consistent with some of our own personal experiences. Instead, we found the factors that had to do with the physical surroundings of Utah or its cultural or recreational opportunities were not as important to Utahns as were factors that had to do with infrastructure and vital services or the economy. In addition, factors that had to do with Utah’s social characteristics, like living near family or with people who share your values, weren’t deemed to be of very high quality or high importance.

So why is there such a large gap between those things Utahns think are important and those that are of high quality? One possible answer is that people are generally unhappy with the factors that government controls. Government in general usually has low approval ratings, while the ratings of individual elected leaders are much higher. According to Gallup, the approval ratings for Congress have dipped as low as 13% in the past year, but individual members would be hard pressed to receive such low scores, though Anthony Weiner only had 8% approval after his recent scandal.

Another possible answer is that people’s feelings about the economy are coloring their feelings about things as well. The availability of good jobs had the biggest gap between its importance score (88.1) and its quality score (67.2). People’s feelings about the economy no doubt also effect how they feel about their elected leaders and government in general, and this may be a part of the story as well.

Utah Foundation plans to repeat this survey every two years, and time will tell whether these negative quality ratings of Utah’s infrastructure and economy will hold. As the economy recovers, feelings about job opportunities should change, and it will be interesting to see if perhaps people’s opinions about other factors will change as well.

The Utah Foundation Quality of Life Index report is available to the public at http://www.utahfoundation.org/reports/?p=744.

This is a guest post sent in by Morgan Lyon Cotti, Senior Research Analyst at the Utah Foundation.

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Does a candidate’s testosterone level affect voters?

Yesterday, science writers across the nation reported on a fascinating new study: Fatherhood causes a drop in testosterone level. Researchers measured testosterone in a bunch of young guys (none of whom were fathers yet), then measured it again several years. All men experience a drop in testosterone as they age, but those who became fathers experienced much sharper drops than those who did not.

I got thinking: Is there a political angle? I poked around. Here’s what I found.

First, in 2008, a study found that men who vote for the loser experience a drop in testosterone levels. Male voters had their testosterone measured several times before and after the presidential election results were announced. McCain voters experienced a drop in testosterone once they learned that their guy lost. Obama voters experienced no change in testosterone levels. Awesome.

Second, a 2007 study found that candidates with more “masculine” faces win more votes during war time, whereas candidates with more “feminine” faces win more votes during peace time. The study noted that testosterone levels are linked with the “masculinity” of a candidate’s face. (All candidate faces used in the study were male; “masculine” and “feminine” is the authors’ interesting way of describing facial features like a square jaw.)

The first study is fun but irrelevant to this new study about fathers. But, if we really stretch things, it’s possible that the second study is relevant to this new fatherhood study. Perhaps having lots of children could (eventually) have the effect of making your face more of a “peace time” face than a “war time” face.

Of course, we’re taking a single study about fatherhood, and making a tenuous link to a single study about facial effects. Take it with a huge grain of salt.

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How different are Romney and Perry ideologically?

Rick Perry is slightly to the right of Mitt Romney, but only slightly.

Political scientists have worked for years to find ways of measuring politicians’ ideology. By far, the best method we presently have is known as NOMINATE (and its variants, W-NOMINATE and DW-NOMINATE). I have written about NOMINATE scores before; back in May, I worked with a student to calculate these scores for each member of the Utah legislature. I won’t explain here how NOMINATE scores work here, since I explained it in that post.

The trouble with NOMINATE scores is that you can only calculate them for legislators or members of Congress–that is, for people who vote on a LOT of bills. You use their votes on all those bills to calculate the scores. That means you can’t calculate NOMINATE scores for presidential candidates unless those candidates have previously served in Congress (such as Michele Bachman, Ron Paul, John McCain, Barack Obama, Joe Biden, John Kerry, etc).

Or can you? I just came across an interesting little analysis by Keith Poole, a political scientist at the University of Georgia and one of the folks who developed NOMINATE scores back in the 1990s. Keith Poole has found a way to estimate these scores for Mitt Romney and Rick Perry. He looks at all the members of Congress who have endorsed either Romney or Perry, and he averages the NOMINATE scores of those endorsers to estimate the ideological position of Romney and Perry.

And what does he find? Rick Perry is slightly to the right of Mitt Romney, but only slightly. The gap between Jon Huntsman and Mitt Romney is WAY bigger than the gap between Mitt Romney and Rick Perry.

One thing to be careful with, though: It appears that there are only a couple dozen endorsements by members of Congress, so the margin of error might be wide on these estimates. Jon Huntsman, for example, only has one endorsement by a member of Congress, so we should be particularly careful with his estimated ideology.

A nice way that Keith Poole could double check the accuracy of his method would be to use this roundabout method to estimate Obama’s ideology based on 2008 primary-season endorsements, then see whether that score lines up with Obama’s actual NOMINATE score based on his Senate voting record.

For details, check out Keith Poole’s blog.

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Children and Dead People Are NOT Voting in Utah.

It’s pretty clear that Utah election administration doesn’t really look like Chicago Machine Politics in the 1950s no matter how many database oddities we might find.

In a blog post Monday, my colleague Adam Brown analyzed the publicly available Utah voter file with the catchy headline, “Are children and dead people voting in Utah?”  Later in the day he posted a follow up with this headline: “Which counties have more registration errors?” Voting by dead people and children is not a problem in Utah.  These so-called “registration errors” are better termed anomalies.

The blog posts, the brief summary on the Tribune’s Political Cornflakes blog, and the hype on KSL radio missed a lot of nuance. For example, KSL had a story during its 8-9 am drive-time show on Tuesday morning that reported on the posts.  They introduced the story with this (at 31:09 in this mp3 file): “Our top local story this hour. This is something like you’d expect from Chicago.  Dead people staying on the voter registration rolls.”  Later on in the hour (at 46:33 in the mp3 file), KSL introduced Adam for a brief interview with this: “Well, there are either a whole bunch of long-living residents in Utah or some dead people are registered to vote…So, is this like Chicago?” Adam’s actual interview wasn’t quite as dramatic, but he referred to “incomplete record keeping,” his surprise at finding “several thousand people born in the 1800s registered to vote,” and how “carelessness” creates “opportunities for abuse.”

If those were the only things you saw or heard, you might be a little alarmed about the quality of election administration in Utah.  In fact, it is extremely unlikely that there are more than a handful of active registered voters in the state of Utah who are children or dead people.  Yesterday’s blog post laid out data analysis that was not fully informed and the information presented on KSL this morning was unnecessarily hyperbolic.

That said, if you go back to re-read Adam’s posts from yesterday, you will notice that in response to some well-informed readers he has inserted numerous updates.  Adam’s updates to his posts are a good reflection of the cautionary statement (appearing in the top right on every page of this blog): “Buyer beware: Most of our posts discuss ongoing, unpublished research. We may revise our conclusions as we continue our research.”

Adam’s updates go part way toward explaining the anomalies he encountered in the voter file.  Here is a summary plus some additional explanations about voter registration in Utah:

  1. The “invalid” birth dates in the voter file are not invalid but are a function of old voter registrations that were completed in the 1950s before a valid birth date was required to register.  Scott Konopasek, the Salt Lake County Elections Director, clarified that when these records were converted to electronic format, voters were not required to re-register.  Instead, implausible birth dates, like Salt Lake County’s 09/09/1809, are inserted as a placeholder because the database now in use requires a birth date.  In other words, while updating the technology the election officials have to strike a balance between updating the system and hassling senior citizens who have been on the voter files for years.  They have opted against hassling the senior citizens to re-register.
  2. Adam’s original post says, “I’m at a loss to explain why I’ve got 283,836 more registered voters in my database than they reported in November 2010.”  The number of voters in the 2010 general election is different than the number of voters in the voter file because Adam included all registered voters in his numbers.  The voter file lists a voter’s status as “active,” “inactive,” “not eligible,” “suspended,” and “removable” with the vast majority listed as “active” or “inactive.” The number of voter registrations reported in the 2010 general election by the Lt. Governor’s office includes only the active voters.  This easily explains the 283,836 difference.  Once you compare apples to apples, any remaining discrepancy is small and occurs simply because the file is updated in real time, so analysis reported by the Lt. Governor’s office reflects the voter file at a fixed point in time and the numbers will change as registrations are updated throughout the year.
  3. County clerks handle thousands of voter registrations each year for a database that includes over 1.5 million names.  They have procedures in place to clean up the voter file, but this is an orderly process that is constrained by the law.  An “active” voter is an official classification that is defined in the Utah code. In plain language, an active voter is a registered voter who has voted in at least one of the last two federal elections and/or has responded to a confirmation notice sent by a county clerk.  An inactive voter means the registrant failed to response to the confirmation notice sent out by the county clerk and/or the county clerk received information that this voter no longer resides within their jurisdiction.
  4. Utah is at the forefront of modernizing voter registration procedures. Last year, the Lt. Governor’s Office and county clerks launched an online voter registration website.  Obviously, this makes voter registration easier in Utah, but the website is also a tool to assist county clerks in reducing errors because a voter registration submitted online no longer has to be transferred from paper to the voter registration database.  Citizens who register on the website may still enter a typographical error, but notably, the website will not allow users to submit the registration without a proper birth date.  Also, remember that Utah requires that voters show ID when they vote.  In the end, there’s not a lot of room for fraudulent registrations that will turn into fraudulent voters.
  5. Finally, there are some county clerks who actively go to high schools and register students who are 17 but will be 18 before the next election.  These records are listed as “suspended” until the person turns 18 and is officially eligible to vote.

Are there still errors in the Utah voter file?  Of course.  But, perfection isn’t a realistic standard.  My very best students always make mistakes on exams.  It doesn’t make them bad students.  Aside from the explanations above there are good reasons why we shouldn’t expect a perfect voter file: People die and move between elections.  Errors occur in data entry.  Laws change and require new technology and systems to be superimposed over existing data.

When election administration is compared across all of the fifty states, Utah routinely comes out looking very good.  For example, in a report issued by the Pew Center on the States reviewing the content and usability of state election web sites, Utah ranks #3 in the country (and only a few points away from the #1 spot).  Utah’s efforts to modernize voter registration have attracted national attention.  One Pew official was quoted calling Utah’s efforts “pioneering.”

In our own exit polling, Utah voters express extremely high confidence in the state’s election system—more than 7 in 10 are “very confident” and 9 in 10 are very or somewhat confident.  This is substantially better that what we have seen in Ohio.  (For details, see this long report.  The tables on pages 16 and 68 have the details on voter confidence).

High voter confidence should generally be interpreted as a by-product of well-run elections (see here, here, and here for three of my own journal articles that present a lot of evidence for this point).  The high confidence that Utah voters have expressed in our elections is well deserved and is a function of the efforts of election-day poll workers, county clerks, and the Lt. Governor and his staff.  Once you take all of these factors into consideration, it’s pretty clear that Utah election administration doesn’t really look like Chicago Machine Politics in the 1950s no matter how many database oddities we might find.

About Quin Monson: Quin Monson is Associate Professor of Political Science and a Senior Scholar with the Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy at Brigham Young University.

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Word from the Salt Lake clerk…

These dates are not errors but are rather a means of preserving the right to vote for our senior voters.

In response to today’s posts, an explanation from Salt Lake officials is here. Copy and paste:

The birthdates from the 1800′s are not data errors. The state did not require voters to provide a date of birth when they registered until the 1950s or 1960′s. When voter records became automated, the computers required a date, any date. In Salt Lake County, 090909 was used as a default date for all voters for whom we did not have a birthdate until Y2K when, for some reason, the date needed to be changed again to a date in the 1800′s (I don’t know why). When we receive an updated registration, the birthdate is updated but we have not actively sought out these voters for birthdates if they have had no other changes. The number of voters in this group gets smaller everyday as registrations are updated or the voters pass on.

These dates are not errors but are rather a means of preserving the right to vote for our senior voters.

Scott Konopasek
SL County Director of Elections

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